Which territory has dry areas
These are known as general restricted areas, which are controlled by the NT Government, or alcohol protected areas, which are controlled by the Federal Government. Alcohol is totally banned in these areas outside a licensed premises without a liquor permit.
You will find signage at the entrance of these communities telling you whether it is a general restricted or an alcohol protected area.
Go to a list of restricted areas to see where alcohol is totally banned. Find out more information on applying for an alcohol ban in your area. However, you can carry or transport unopened alcohol through a public restricted area to another unrestricted area or private premises to drink.
Find out where you can't drink in the NT. Drinking alcohol in a public place is banned within 2km of a licensed premises everywhere in the NT. Only a small number of places have exemptions. These areas will have signage telling you that you are in a regulated area. You can be fined or taken to court if you are found drinking alcohol in these areas.
Government members said that policy was costly and did not work in cities such as Darwin where there were a lot of outlets, but it would be kept in some form to work in conjunction with the banned drinkers register. During debate Labor MP Scott McConnell dismissed claims the banned drinkers register inconvenienced the public who would have to show ID for scanning whenever they purchased alcohol.
Independent MP Robyn Lambley questioned why the government was changing policy before it had the report and recommendations from an alcohol policy review currently underway. The Human Rights Law Centre welcomed the bill but urged the government to also repeal the controversial paperless arrest laws and protective custody laws — which allowed police to arrest or detain someone on the belief they may commit a minor offence.
Both laws were also unsuccessfully challenged in court. This article is more than 4 years old. Alcohol protection orders in Northern Territory 'will criminalise alcoholism'. Read more. The only drink-driving legislated policy was considered to have contributed to the success of the LWA program.
Three policies relating to treatment were described; two were not evaluated and evidence showed no ongoing benefits of Alcohol Mandatory Treatment. The NT has implemented a large number of alcohol policies, several of which have evidence of positive effects. Peer Review reports. Alcohol is one of the leading preventable causes of death and disability worldwide [ 1 ] and its harmful use is especially problematic within the Northern Territory of Australia NT [ 2 ]. The NT is the least populous of all of Australian jurisdictions [ 5 ] and has notably different population demographics.
The NT population is younger, with a slightly higher proportion of male residents, and tenfold the proportion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Footnote 1 residents compared to the national population [ 6 ]. Other notable population centres include Alice Springs accounting for As the name suggests, the NT a federal territory, not a state. It has only been a self-governing territory since ; prior to this the NT was managed formally called administered by the Commonwealth.
Self-governance was swiftly followed by the implementation of the Liquor Act NT , which came into effect on 12 February In the more than four decades since, there have been a slew of legislative approaches which have attempted to reduce alcohol consumption and related harms. Both major political parties, the Country Liberal Party and the Australian Labor Party have received donations from the alcohol industry [ 7 , 8 ].
The BDR, as the name would suggest, is a register of individuals who are banned from purchasing alcohol. The BDR is enforced at takeaway outlets by scanning identification at point of sale [ 9 ].
Enacted in September ; the BDR2 was soon followed by the formalisation of police monitoring of takeaway alcohol outlets a practise which has been ongoing since through the establishment of Police Auxiliary Liquor Inspectors PALIs. PALIs are uniformed inspectors, stationed at takeaway alcohol outlets, who seek to prevent the consumption of alcohol in public and restricted areas. PALIs request a form of identification and query customers regarding their intended drinking location.
Purchase will be prevented if a valid non-restricted address cannot be provided [ 10 ]. The latter reforms were driven by the Northern Territory Alcohol Policies and Legislation Review [ 11 ] commissioned by the newly elected Labor Government. Each of these policies have received significant investment and been enshrined in corresponding legislation henceforth termed legislated alcohol policy. Ongoing, robust evaluation of these policies is essential [ 12 ], and an understanding of the relevant historical context, particularly previous policy evaluations, can help to inform approaches to future evaluations.
Both Babor et al. The allocation of resources, however, are generally not underpinned by legislation Alcohol Mandatory Treatment is a notable exception. This paper is specifically interested in legislated alcohol policy and as such, is not a complete overview of all NT alcohol policies.
The reason for this is twofold. Firstly, there are significant challenges associated with mapping historical unlegislated policies because they are less likely to be evaluated and therefore less likely to have been captured in academic or grey literature.
Secondly, it is likely that the volume of all alcohol policies over more than forty years would prove unmanageable to describe in a digestible way. We posit that there is value in a focused examination of legislated policies, to allow for greater depth and consideration.
For the purpose of this paper we have considered both legislation; that is the law itself as an Act passed through Parliament, which can only be amended through another Act of Parliament; and regulations, which are the guidelines that dictate how provisions of an Act are applied [ 15 ]. We hope this paper will provide a reference point for those examining alcohol policy in the NT, allowing them to understand what has been done previously and located relevant evidence related to the policies of interest.
This overview was undertaken using scoping review methodology [ 16 ]. PRISMA preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses protocol [ 17 ] was used to identify literature. Table 1 outlines the search of five electronic databases for primary academic research, reports and commentaries. Year of publication was limited in all searches from onwards. Publications were included if they evaluated or commented on one or more legislated alcohol policy in the NT and were academic primary research, academic commentary, or a government or non-government evaluation report published in the English language between and Publications were excluded if they solely examined alcohol use or harms in the NT without addressing a legislated alcohol policy; solely presented legislated alcohol policy-related data e.
As Liquor Supply Plans, a legislated policy [ 18 ], were evaluated concurrently with NT Alcohol Management Plans, an unlegislated policy, in Alice Springs [ 18 ], Tennant Creek [ 19 ] and Katherine [ 20 ] both have been captured within this overview.
Reference lists of both grey and academic literature were then manually searched for other relevant articles, resulting in an additional 14 academic articles and 27 grey literature documents Fig. Several articles and reports identified through reference list searches were not available online and, in these instances, SC sourced them from a listed author. As this paper is not a systematic review, it was considered that one reviewer was sufficient.
Literature which met the inclusion criteria was then reviewed and the alcohol policies identified within these documents were categorised using Babor et al. The seven policy areas are: 1. In the National Drug Research Institute conducted a review of evidence and outcomes for restrictions of sale and supply of alcohol, including those enacted in the NT.
To avoid duplication of this work, we have presented a descriptive overview of evaluation outcomes from onwards in the Supplementary Material. For those predating , please refer to [ 18 ]. Over the past forty years there has been an increasing volume of work published relating to alcohol focused legislative interventions in the NT Table 2. All identified policies and the related documents are outlined in Table 3.
Additionally, using the information contained within the identified literature, a timeline of NT and relevant federal interventions has been created for clarity Fig. To provide additional context, the political party responsible for each intervention was identified. In the addition to federal alcohol taxes, the NT has legisated pricing policies on two occasions. In , an additional levy of 35 cents per litre was added to cask wine. Therefore, while LWA has been categorised under Pricing and Taxation it also involved regulating physical availability, education and persuasion, and treatment and early intervention.
Both levies were removed on 5 August when a Federal High Court decision found the collection of a tobacco or alcohol or petrol excise tax by states and territories to be unconstitutional. Despite this, LWA did not formally cease until Dec LWA was comprehensively evaluated both pre [ 3 , 46 ] and post [ 44 , 45 ] the removal of the LWA levy. The additional cask wine levy was also evaluated in its own right [ 48 ]. The evaluation of the first four years found reductions in: acute and chronic alcohol-related death, per capita consumption, percentage of males drinking hazardously, and road trauma hospitalisations, although LWA was at least partly confounded by other interventions e.
The cask wine levy was specifically shown to significantly reduce consumption [ 48 ]. There was, however, a decrease in chronic alcohol-related deaths towards the end of the study period, potentially as a belated result of the reduced consumption brought about by the levy [ 45 ].
Chikritzhs et al. Nearly two decades later, on 1 October , a Labor majority government introduced the first and only MUP in Australia. One year post implementation, Taylor and colleagues found immediate substantial declines in estimated cask wine consumption, and significant step reductions in total wine consumption [ 86 ].
There were also decreases in some alcohol-related harms, with variations between regions [ 85 ]. This regional variation was attributed to intersections with region-specific policies like PALIs see below [ 85 ]. Intensive care admissions have been examined in three academic articles [ 83 , 84 , 87 ], two focused on Alice Spring Hospital and one examining both Royal Darwin Hospital and Alice Springs Hospital.
All have demonstrated reductions in the number of alcohol-related admissions. While the initial article [ 87 ] suggested that this could be attributed solely to MUP, subsequent outputs have acknowledged the impacts of other concurrently implemented regional alcohol policies. For clarity, we present these policies categorised as impacting either Aboriginal communities; towns; or individuals. The Liquor Act granted any community had the power to request the banning or restriction of alcohol in designated areas.
In , 50 Aboriginal communities had GRAs [ 31 ], and by this number had risen to over [ 36 ]. In principle, these restrictions could take any form. In practice most communities had one or more of the following: a total ban; a ban of particular types of alcohol often wine and spirits with restricted access to others; a permit system under which specified individuals may drink in a community; or a licensed club, within which residents may drink subject to regulations for example, mid-strength beer cans only, with a limit on the amount of cans per person per occasion [ 31 ].
There have been two evaluations of, and one inquiry into, these provisions and while some shortcomings were identified, overall a net benefit was identified [ 21 , 22 , 23 ].
Associated mechanisms, such as local clubs [ 24 , 25 , 27 ] and permit systems [ 18 , 26 , 29 ], have also been evaluated in reports and corresponding academic publications. In Curtin Springs Roadhouse began selling alcohol to A n angu. The NTLC was reticent to ratify a variation to the license; concerned about discrimination.
These certificates are not legally binding but recognise that involved parties have acted in good faith [ 56 ]. The Curtin Springs Roadhouse certificate is the most notable NT example, and has been in effect since [ 55 ]. It is important to highlight that every community has had a different history of GRAs, and these have continued to evolve over time.
In the Intervention introduced a ban on possession and consumption of alcohol on all land in the NT defined as Aboriginal land by the Aboriginal Land Rights NT Act ; alongside other measures which are described elsewhere [ 89 ]. Communities that had clubs before also retained these, with additional restrictions in relation to takeaway alcohol, opening times, and the sale of full-strength beer [ 27 ]. In the Commonwealth reintroduced quasi-community control to Aboriginal communities through Alcohol Management Plans Commonwealth Footnote 4 [ 63 ].
The instrument gained formal recognition in through the introduction of the Stronger Futures in the Northern Territory which superseded the National Territory National Emergency Response Act [ 19 ]. These Alcohol Management Plans required Federal Ministerial approval; and by late only one had been approved with seven others rejected [ 90 ]. In there was a shift to Alcohol Action Initiatives, a different policy instrument, with a broader scope than Alcohol Management Plans [ 19 ].
We are aware of an evaluation of Alcohol Action Initiatives having been commissioned at the time of writing this paper. As part of a package of alcohol control initiatives, recommended by the Martin Report of the Working Party on Drunkenness, in July takeaway alcohol outlet trading hours were reduced across the NT [ 37 ]. Hours were reduced again in with the introduction of LWA.
In the s community groups began requesting that the NTLC introduce local liquor licensing restrictions.
Stockwell et al. In , take-away alcohol access was limited in Elliott, a small town in the Barkly region, at the request of the Gurungu Council. This was ratified by the NTLC [ 53 , 54 ]. The evaluation found improvements in public order and health and welfare [ 57 ]. In April , all Tennant Creek hotels and takeaway outlets but not licensed clubs or restaurants licenses were amended with several restrictions regarding trading hours, takeaway sales, and requirement of food in bars.
Gray et al. After the evaluation, although some recommendations were adopted by the NTLC, those which involved extending the current restrictions were not [ 58 ].
Instead, the Commission stated that it would conduct a further review in November This evaluation found that since the end of the restrictions were no longer as effective in reducing crime, but there continued to be a sustained positive impact on health outcomes [ 58 ]. In March the NTLC imposed restrictions on takeaway trading hours in Katherine and although the four licensees went on to appeal this decision, it was upheld [ 36 ]. No evaluation was conducted.
In the NTLC introduced a month restriction trial period in Alice Springs in response to ongoing public debate [ 66 ]. These restrictions were evaluated by Crundall and Moon [ 66 ]. At the behest of Tangentyere Council and Central Australian Aboriginal Congress, Gray [ 68 ] reanalysed Crundall and Moon [ 66 ] evaluation, critiquing much of the data and subsequent assertions presented.
Crundall [ 67 ] responded to the review, which was published with further annotations by Gray. All reports agree that there were decreases in presentations to Alice Springs Emergency Department; admissions to the Sobering Up Shelter; and protective custody orders issued by the police. In , the NT Government commissioned the development of an NT Alcohol Framework, with the associated recommendations were formally adopted in Alice Springs was the first town to experience these measures, with an Alcohol Management Plans and Liquor Supply Plans implemented in the second half of The Liquor Supply Plan included changes to takeaway trading hours, changes to the volume of wine which could be sold; and changes to volume and times at which cask wine and fortified wines could be sold for the comprehensive list please see [ 71 ].
Following this, several additional measures were introduced, including declaration of the town as a Public Restricted Areas August , income management as part of the Intervention in August , and implementation of Alcohol Takeaway Identification cards June In Alice Springs and Katherine anyone purchasing takeaway alcohol was required to show electronic photo identification for the licensee to check if the individual was subject to a Prohibition Notice or restrictions imposed by a court [ 73 ].
A report of all alcohol control measures enacted in Central Australia from to found these measures significantly contributed to a reduction in per capita consumption in Central Australia [ 71 ].
The Liquor Supply Plan included reduced takeaway outlet trading hours, and purchase limits on cask wine and fortified wine for full list see [ 64 ]. A Public Restricted Areas came into effect on 21 Jan [ 64 ]. In , the Alcohol Managmeent Plan was revised. From the 3rd quarter of to mid, both consumption and levels of harm including alcohol-related offences and public order offenders declined, but after mid some harms, notably domestic violence assaults, began to increase, and it was unclear if the harm reduction could be sustained [ 65 ].
The substantial cost of placing full salaried police officers to stand outside takeaway outlets, and uncertainties regarding the legalities of this process [ 7 ], are considered to have contributed to the inconsistent application of the scheme, with a mix of full and part-time coverage, across Alice Springs, Katherine and Tennant Creek between and PALIs request a form of identification and ask patrons questions regarding their intended drinking location.
PALIs have not been evaluated. Individuals who came into contact with the justice system frequently or committed certain offences while intoxicated e. Once on the BDR, an individual was prohibited from purchasing, possessing or consuming alcohol for three, six or twelve months [ 74 ].
Electronic identification ID scanners linked to the Register were in place at all take-away outlets, allowing for identification of banned drinkers and refusal at the point of sale. No record of the customer or their purchase was kept. The instrument went on to become a feature of the election campaign debate; the Labor party proposed retaining the policy while the Country Liberal party strongly refuted any benefit of the BDR [ 93 ].
When the Country Liberals were elected in August the BDR1 ceased in a practical sense immediately and was officially repealed on 1 July. No evaluation was undertaken. Buckley [ 74 ] highlighted that the Act granted police power to breath test people they reasonably believed to have consumed alcohol while subject to an APO and coupled APO enforcement with the policing of takeaway outlets described above.
APOs were repealed in and were never evaluated. A Banned Drinker Order BDO prohibits the purchase, possession or consumption of alcohol for three, six or twelve months. The Registrar pathway allows individuals to self-refer, be referred by family, or be referred by an authorised person health professionals, social services and child protection workers. The length of some BDOs can be reduced if the person undergoes voluntary alcohol treatment. In Tennant Creek on 28 February additional emergency restrictions were introduced in response to an incidence of severe child sexual assault.
These restrictions, albeit with some variation between locations as per the NTLC decision [ 94 ], remain across the Barkly region. The BDR scanners are used to monitor the additional daily purchase restrictions in the Barkly, despite these restrictions not being linked to the BDR2. A 6-month process evaluation of the BDR2 was released in June [ 75 ], followed by a two-part month evaluation [ 76 , 80 ] and month evaluation [ 81 ].
Two qualitative articles explore industry views about the BDR [ 95 ] and the impact of the BDR on secondary supply [ 9 ]. The BDR2 remains in place.
The law has been discussed in subsequent academic commentaries which address the racialisation of alcohol policy in the NT [ 30 , 34 , 41 ]. In the Northern Territory Liquor Act was amended to mandate the previously voluntary code of ethics relating to strip shows [ 42 ]. The process is described by Boffa et al.
This intervention was announced as a direct response to growing levels of antisocial behaviour in Alice Springs [ 36 ]. Only police, the licensing authority, or a local authority were able to lodge a Public Restricted Areas [ 34 ].
Public Restricted Areas have been considered in evaluations of Liquor Supply Plans and Alcohol Management Plans but never evaluated in their own right. Based on a recommendation from Northern Territory Alcohol Policies and Legislation Review [ 11 ] in all public spaces within urban areas were declared restricted, with the option for exemptions.
In mid the NT government passed legislation reducing the maximum blood alcohol content BAC for drivers of cars, light trucks, and motorcycle riders from 0. While this was largely driven by a Commonwealth initiative which tied road maintenance funding to the introduction of 0. This overview found no legislated education and persuasion policies, although some funds raised through the LWA levy were allocated to education activities [ 46 ].
It is unusual to capture treatment within an overview of legislated alcohol policy, as treatment is rarely legislated. However, there are three examples of this within the NT.
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